The largest NGO of the Islamic world IHH, which caught headlines in 2010, when it led three flotilla ships to break the blockade in Gaza has been engaged in peace processes and mediation efforts in the Phillippines
By Iftikhar Gilani
The IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation (İnsan Hak ve Hürriyetleri) from Turkey, recognized as the largest NGO in the Islamic world, operates in over 120 countries.
Founded in 1992 and officially registered in Istanbul in 1995, IHH is renowned not only for its humanitarian relief efforts in conflict zones, disaster-stricken areas, and regions facing severe poverty but also for its active role in humanitarian diplomacy and conflict resolution.
IHH gained global attention in 2010 when it organized three flotilla ships to challenge the blockade of Gaza. The MV Mavi Marmara, one of these vessels, was attacked by the Israeli military, resulting in the deaths of nine people.
But what is now known much about this NGO, is its role in ending the conflicts, through humanitarian diplomacy.
When the US decided to withdraw from Afghanistan and engage in talks with the Taliban through Qatar, IHH was the only NGO involved in the official talks and mediation efforts. Its representative sat across the table with the US, Qatari and Taliban officials to oversee the progress of talks.
However, IHH’s most notable achievement in humanitarian diplomacy came with its successful mediation in the Philippines, where it facilitated negotiations between Manila and the armed groups in the Muslim-majority Bangsamoro region.
Hüseyin Oruç, Vice President of IHH and a member of the monitoring committee for these negotiations, spoke to Pakistankhabar.tv about the importance of mediation, dialogue, and reconciliation in resolving conflicts.
Here are some excerpts from the interview:
Excerpts of the interview:
Q: You played a crucial role as a mediator in the peace process between the Philippine government and Bangsamoro militants, leading to the creation of the Muslim-majority Bangsamoro Autonomous Region. With numerous conflict zones around the world, what distinguishes the peace process you mediated, and why are similar efforts not as successful elsewhere?
A: Every conflict has its unique logistics and differs from other struggles. Therefore, the solutions and approaches to these issues also vary. The Bangsamoro people aimed to preserve their identity based on Islamic values.
When the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established, their initial goal was not to fight the Philippine government alone but to bring about substantial reforms. They educated people in the forests, teaching them about various aspects of life and Islamic values.
Their most significant success lies on this front rather than the political or devolution front.
Q: What were the key elements of the peace process you mediated between Bangsamoro leaders and the Philippine government?
A: In fact, the first round of negotiations began in 1997 between the MILF and the Philippine government. The primary demand of the MILF was for independence.
However, the Philippine government was firmly against secession. Over time, they reached a compromise to grant meaningful autonomy. The conditions for this autonomy were discussed, including financial and security aspects, determining which issues would remain under the central government’s control and which would be devolved.
Q: In 2022, a new government took power in Manila. Since the accord was reached under the previous administration, was there a change in perspective after the new government took over?
A: As I mentioned, the first round of talks took place in 1997, but the process gained momentum around 2010. By 2016, the terms of the agreement were settled, and President Duterte brought it before parliament, where it became law. A new autonomous region, Bangsamoro, was officially recognized by President Duterte.
Peacebuilding is not a daily task; it is a process. The plan was to complete this process within three years. Unfortunately, they were unable to manage it on time, and the parliament granted an additional three years for the transition.
Under Mr. Marcos, the process has been slower, but it continues. From what I have observed, especially regarding the peace processes on the ground, there is a strong possibility that the peace process will be completed.
Q: You play a role in the monitoring committee that oversees the peace process. How did you become involved in this, and what is your role in the monitoring system?
A: Libya initially attempted to mediate the process in 1993 in Tripoli. Both sides began talks about the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
However, the experience of the Muslims, particularly in the national liberation model, showed that the government often promised something, but when the time came, they did not fulfill those promises. This led to the decision to form a committee to follow up on the process, reporting what had and hadn’t been achieved. In 2013, we were invited to join this committee as members.
We had been working in Bangsamoro since 1996, undertaking various social projects, which earned us the trust of both sides.
That’s how we began our role as mediators and eventually started monitoring the process.
Q: Mediation requires building trust on both sides. How did you build that understanding?
A: Yes, it was not easy. The Philippine government took time to research the IHH. They have an embassy in Ankara, and a special delegation came to Turkey to conduct their own investigations. Once they found that IHH is a reputable and leading organization in Turkey, sincere in its efforts to bring peace, they accepted our involvement, and we began working with them.
Q: We often hear about the Organic Law implemented in Bangsamoro. What is it exactly?
A: The Bangsamoro Organic Law is a comprehensive agreement that emerged after more than 60 sessions held over two years in Kuala Lumpur, with Malaysia acting as the main facilitator on the government’s side. This law establishes a new entity for the region.
In the first paragraph, it states that the land belongs to Muslims, acknowledging their identity and history. The law recognizes the legal and historical demands of the struggle on the ground.
Q: Are you saying that the Philippines recognized the struggle, and in turn, the militant groups recognized the sovereignty of the Philippines?
A: Yes, both sides accepted these terms. It’s very significant. They agreed to remain part of the Philippines, and in return, Manila allowed them to decide their own course.
The Philippine government also devolves finances, with five per cent of the national income allocated to the Bangsamoro government annually.
Regarding local resources like gasoline, the central government’s maximum share is capped at 20 per cent, down from the previous 50 per cent. The region has vast potential in gas, petroleum reserves, and other minerals.
Today, you can see the impact of this funding on the ground. Welfare programs for the people have increased rapidly, leading to tangible benefits and developments. On the security side, they have formed the Bangsamoro police force.
Q: How did the IHH navigate its role in this complex process?
A: It has been a long journey—over 10 years, during which I have travelled to the Philippines many times. Just last week, I attended the 51st session of the third-party monitoring committee. The main issue is sincerity; both sides must be committed to the peace process.
Local dynamics can change, and sometimes there are spoilers. For instance, in 2015, the Philippine Special Forces conducted an operation in Bangsamoro without coordinating with the MILF, resulting in the deaths of 44 police officers, which caused significant problems.
However, the MILF is now a peace partner and not part of these issues. The problem was caused by ISIS, and together, they will fight against ISIS. This cooperation has strengthened the relationship between the MILF and the government, reinforcing their support for the peace process.
Q: In many conflicts, major powers often mediate, using their military strength to enforce solutions. As an NGO, how did you enforce solutions without such power?
A: We were not there to guide or enforce any solutions. Our role was to facilitate talks. We have experience in Bosnia, Chechnya, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Syria, among others. In Doha, where talks between the Taliban and the US were mediated by Qatar, we were the only NGO at the table.
Yes, we are a civil society organization, but we work in conflict areas and have 35 years of experience on the ground. We are a relief organization, but our work is not limited to relief. We operate in three fields: relief, advocacy, and humanitarian diplomacy. Humanitarian diplomacy is a very active part of the IHH.
Q: Do you have a separate department for diplomacy, considering mediation and conflict management require professional expertise?
A: Humanitarian diplomacy is crucial and relies heavily on human resources. We have highly educated and experienced personnel in this field, Alhamdulillah.
We have a dedicated department for this, working under the Board of Trustees. Our efforts are entirely focused on saving human lives. Even if we do not succeed, it is not a major issue. Our primary goal is to save human lives.
Q: Turkey’s government has a policy of mediation and addressing conflicts worldwide. Do you collaborate with the government on these issues?
A: We are not part of the government and do not implement its policies. Sometimes we align with the Turkish government’s stance, and sometimes we don’t.
We respect and often seek assistance from the Turkish Foreign Office for various operations, particularly those involving prisoner releases and reuniting families. For such operations, collaboration with the Turkish Foreign Office is essential, and we work with them closely and cooperatively.
Q: Besides mediation, in which other areas are you active in helping people in conflict zones?
A: We are active in many areas. In Syria, for instance, we play a significant role in mediating the return of people and the exchange of prisoners. However, the presence of ISIS imposes constraints on our work.
Initially, people welcomed ISIS, but they soon realized that ISIS had a different agenda. Many were killed, and others joined them out of ignorance.
There are thousands of women and children that no country wants to take.
We have tried to encourage and convince states to adopt these children.
Q: What is your experience in Central Africa, a region that rarely makes the news?
A: It’s a very complicated region. We were on the ground conducting relief operations, but we had to withdraw as the situation became too dangerous for foreigners.
However, I remain hopeful. We were working with Sudan to assist other African countries, but now Sudan itself is in a similar situation, and we are also working there.
Q: A few years ago, the IHH made headlines worldwide with the Freedom Flotilla that attempted to break the siege of Gaza. How has the situation evolved since then?
A: We had participants from 42 countries, more than 700 people in total. We decided to take action as civilians. In 2010, I was on the boat, and we lost 10 of our comrades. But this action helped push Egypt and Israel to ease the siege, and two years later, Gaza was somewhat freer.
We still have a large office in Gaza and are actively working there. We have brought together all the members of the Freedom Flotilla coalition in Turkey, reaffirming our commitment to show that Gaza is not alone.
We are also prepared to take risks. This hope is incredibly important to the people of Gaza. We purchased a cargo boat and two passenger boats to continue our efforts.
Q: Lastly, the Western media has had a love-hate relationship with the IHH, often accusing it of being linked to Al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood. What is your response?
A: After the flotilla, journalists often asked similar questions. I advised them not to take our word for it, but to visit the ground and see our work firsthand.
These accusations began when we started operations in Bosnia. We will continue our work in relief, advocacy, and humanitarian diplomacy. We will not remain silent while Israel kills people. We will raise our voices, rally people to the streets, and urge governments to take action.
There are many accusations, but there has never been a legal case against the IHH in the last 35 years, anywhere in the world.
We are a member of the United Nations consultative committees and we are also the leading and largest NGO in the Islamic world. These attacks often bring more attention to our work, attracting more people to our cause like you came to interview me. #####
