Rebuilding infrastructure may offer temporary relief, but healing societal wounds and fostering unity will be Syria’s ultimate challenge
By Iftikhar Gilani
In the Turkish town of Kilis, just 500 metres from the Syrian border, the Syrian refugee camp witnessed a sleepless night on December 8. The camp’s displaced residents, uprooted for decades, stayed glued to channels like Al Jazeera Arabic and opposition-affiliated Syrian TV, watching developments unfold. As the icy December dawn’s first rays appeared on the horizon, jubilant cries rang out from makeshift homes. News broke that Syrian opposition forces had advanced into Damascus and that President Bashar al-Assad had fled. The elation was palpable—some prostrated in gratitude, others danced, shouting slogans. After 13 years of relentless struggle and a devastating war, there was finally hope for spring in war-torn Syria during this harsh winter.
“For years, we dreamed of this day,” said 29-year-old Yasmin, clutching her three-year-old child tightly. “Seeing Damascus liberated and knowing Assad’s tyranny is over feels like being reborn.” On television, opposition leaders announced the fall of Assad’s regime, proclaiming, “Long live Syria!” The streets of Damascus, long subdued by fear and oppression, erupted in celebration. Yet, in the camp, there was a prevailing sense that the real test was just beginning. Many emphasised that Syria’s future should not mirror the fates of Iraq or Libya, where post-dictator chaos and foreign intervention led to prolonged devastation.
The fall of Assad is not just the collapse of a government—it is a monumental revolution in Syria’s history, with echoes likely to reverberate far into the future. Global attention now shifts to Ahmad Hussein al-Sharaa, better known as Abu Muhammad al-Julani, leader of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), a major faction of the Syrian National Army. Syria’s journey from peaceful protests in 2011, inspired by the Arab Spring, to a bloody civil war has been harrowing. Over 600,000 lives have been lost, and more than 12 million people displaced—6.8 million internally and nearly 3 million seeking refuge in Turkey. Assad’s forces, backed by Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah, had reclaimed significant parts of the country in recent years.
Shifting Alliances and Missed Opportunities
China’s mediation between Saudi Arabia and Iran had set the stage for diplomatic reconciliation between Turkey and Syria, aiming to outmanoeuvre the US in the region. After Syria’s reintegration into the Arab League post last year’s earthquake, Assad attended the league’s summit. However, despite calls for dialogue with opposition forces and Turkey from allies like Russia and China, Assad sabotaged peace efforts with increasing demands, even against Russian President Vladimir Putin’s counsel.
Syria has long been a battlefield for conflicting international interests. The Syrian National Army, supported by Turkey, the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces backed by the US, Assad’s forces bolstered by Iran and Russia, and smaller local warlords have all vied for dominance. Turkey has persistently supported the Syrian National Army, aiming for a stable government in Damascus that ensures border security and curbs Kurdish autonomy. Ankara has been clear about opposing internal autonomy for any ethnic group in Syria, while the US continues advocating for a Kurdish autonomous zone akin to Iraq.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s delicate balancing act between NATO and Russia has elevated Turkey’s position as a key mediator in international crises. Turkey facilitated grain exports from Ukraine to global markets while keeping the Bosporus open for Russian ships. Yet, the question remains whether these powers will prioritise Turkey’s interests in Syria or abandon it as seen in Pakistan’s post-Taliban Afghanistan scenario.
Domestically, Turkey is grappling with economic challenges—rising inflation, a weakening lira, and surging food prices. The repatriation of Syrian refugees could provide economic relief and political gains for Erdoğan.
A Surprising Turn of Events
In November, Hezbollah, weakened by losses in Lebanon, withdrew its fighters from positions around Aleppo. Seizing this opportunity, Kurdish forces supported by the US occupied these posts. Encouraged by Turkey, the Syrian National Army reclaimed these positions. By late November, opposition forces encountered no resistance as they advanced, eventually capturing Aleppo and pushing towards Hama despite airstrikes by Syrian and Russian forces. The situation mirrored the Taliban’s unchallenged march to Kabul in 2022. Four months before their triumphant entry into Damascus, al-Julani was seen offering prayers of gratitude at the Umayyad Mosque, a site of immense historical and spiritual significance.
Iran’s internal struggles and Hezbollah’s focus on Lebanon undoubtedly facilitated Damascus’ fall. Diplomatic sources suggest Iran had grown wary of Russia’s intentions, suspecting Moscow of undermining Tehran’s influence in Syria. Efforts to deploy Iraqi Shia militias in Syria were thwarted by US airstrike threats, and logistical challenges hindered the deployment of Afghan Fatemiyoun fighters.
Al-Julani’s public address stressed discipline, urging fighters to avoid civilian institutions. The interim government would operate under the oversight of Prime Minister Muhammad Ghazi al-Jalali until a new administration is established. Given al-Julani’s past affiliation with al-Qaeda, the West remains cautious despite his repeated disavowals. During HTS’s rule in Idlib since 2017, al-Julani included all ethnic and religious groups in governance and refrained from imposing strict Taliban-style codes. He visited a Christian church in Aleppo to assure minorities of their safety and guaranteed the protection of Alawite communities.
However, al-Julani now faces the monumental task of balancing Syrians’ aspirations for freedom with international concerns. His leadership will determine whether Syria emerges as a beacon of hope or descends into further chaos.
Harrowing Tales of Survival
Among the most poignant scenes was the release of prisoners from the infamous Sednaya Prison, a symbol of oppression. Stories of survival are emerging, including that of Ali Hassan Ali, who spent nearly 40 years in Syrian prisons. Arrested in 1986 at 18, he was released as a frail 57-year-old. His family had spent decades searching for him, often receiving conflicting information.
The Syrian Network for Human Rights estimates that over 1.2 million Syrians have been detained or disappeared since 2011, with at least 135,253 still missing. The Ghouta chemical attack in August 2013, where sarin gas killed over 1,400 civilians, remains a dark chapter in Syria’s war. Despite 222 documented chemical attacks since 2012, the international community failed to act decisively.
As celebrations continue on the border, Yasmin, holding her child, gazes across into Syria with a mix of hope and uncertainty. “We’ve waited so long,” she says. “But freedom is just the beginning. Now, we must build a Syria where our children can dream again.”
Rebuilding infrastructure may offer temporary relief, but healing societal wounds and fostering unity will be Syria’s ultimate challenge. Survivors’ stories remind us of war’s profound impact on humanity. As global attention shifts, Syria’s plight serves as a stark reminder of the atrocities still possible in a so-called civilised age.
